This snapshot taken on 05/03/2008, shows web content selected for preservation by The National Archives. External links, forms and search boxes may not work in archived websites.

Rt. Hon. Peter Mandelson - Former Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (Jul 1998 - Dec 1998)

The TUC


Thursday, September 17, 1998


Other speeches
[ARCHIVED CONTENT] Thank you for the welcome and can I say this is a very poignant moment for me
Thank you for the welcome and can I say this is a very poignant moment for me. Twenty years ago this month I attended Congress as one of the TUC's youngest staffers.
I will always be grateful to the TUC for the introduction it gave me to the world of trade unionism, practical politics and the values of systematic filing. Those were the days when I thought of John Monks as my boss. You can all take comfort from that. Old habits die hard.
Then too, another GMB General Secretary - the leader of my own union - was President of Congress. David Basnett - a man who had a similar reputation for choosing his words carefully.
Then too there was a Labour Government - and the Prime Minister came to address us. Now you?ll be relieved to know - I?m not going to take a trip down memory lane by trying to sing you a music hall ditty.
But those were times when you had to keep your spirits up. In the mid 1970s an economic whirlwind of unprecedented ferocity had hit the world economy. The Labour Movement faced that whirlwind with great fortitude and solidarity.
Inflationary collapse was averted. Unemployment began to fall. But as the fatal winter that followed that Congress was to prove, Labour's achievement was fragile.
Tony Blair is determined that in the 1990s we will not repeat the mistakes of the 1970s. No one in this hall - not you, not me - will complain at that. This Labour Government has good relations with the trade unions. But there is a key difference with twenty years ago. Those relations are now not too close for comfort.
Today we have dialogue - good dialogue - but not under any duress. We should be able to agree and disagree without either being in hock to one another or at risk of falling out. A mature, practical relationship based on shared values and a shared agenda.
For example, we both believe that a workplace based on mutual respect and minimum standards of protection, safety and consultation is one which works better and more productively.
That is why we have signed the Social Chapter. Why we are introducing the National Minimum Wage. Why we are implementing the Working Time Directive without delay. It took a Labour Government to make these momentous changes. A New Labour Government. The Fairness at Work legislation will be the central building block of this legislative package.
This legislation will not turn back the clock, to the days of strikes without ballots, flying pickets and mass action. None of us want that; nobody is calling for it. What it will do is demonstrate that it is possible to have flexibility in the work place and to treat people well.
Be under no illusion. These are controversial changes for which we still have to argue the case, particularly in light of the growing pressures on British business. And argue for it I will. For legislation that?s seen by all to be fair and balanced if it is to win enduring support.
To do this, I can think of no better ally than Ian McCartney to help me take this Bill through Parliament. You know Ian McCartney well.
When I arrived at DTI, I?ll admit to being a little worried about Fairness at Work. I called Ian in to talk about it and said "Ian, It?s a tall order". He said "Don?t worry Peter, I?ll make short shrift of the critics". This reassured me enormously.
This Bill will strengthen partnership at work. And in today?s economy partnership is key to competitive strength. Congress, Britain is in a non-stop race to boost that strength. To create comparative advantage. To add value. All against a background of our current economic difficulties.
I understand the concerns that are being expressed about the level of the pound. We are well aware of how tough life is out there, particularly for manufacturing industry and exporters.
Nonetheless, John Prescott was right on Monday to say that we should not talk ourselves in to recession. Employment is not going down. The economy has generated 400,000 new jobs since Labour came to office.
The Government?s policy for Britain is clear. A strategy for stability amidst instability in an uncertain world.
A commitment to end once and for all the dismal record of stop-go and of boom and bust - the roller coaster of economic activity that has so damaged confidence and investment in the British economy over the past two decades.
This is why we have taken the politics out of interest rates by vesting authority in Eddie George and his colleagues at the Bank of England.
That?s why Gordon Brown has taken the necessary tough action to clear the Tories? overdraft and to put the public finances back on track. Gordon?s is not an enviable job. He puts the interests of the country before those of any pressure group. He has the honesty to say no, when others are tempted to let it be known that they might have said yes.
I fervently believe that we will reap the benefits of the tough but wise decisions he and the Government have taken. No-one is saying it will be easy.
Asia, Japan, Russia, Latin America. Jitters on Wall St; collapse of the real economy in Indonesia. We face constant reminders that we live in a global economy. What affects one country affects us all.
There is no magic fix of Government intervention or extra money that can solve these problems. That?s why economic co-operation between countries has never been more important and why we must strengthen Britain?s position in Europe, now our natural home market.
On Europe, the people who threaten to cut Britain off from this home market are the leaders of today?s Tory party, with their head in the sand policy on the single currency. Congress, in yesterday?s debate you proved yourselves far more sensible than them. On this issue, Government, business and unions are at one and working in partnership in Europe.
Now, at the DTI, I know that John Monks believes that my new role is the first real job I have had since leaving Congress House. I wouldn?t go that far, but the job is certainly a real challenge.
Some have scoffed that under the Tories, the DTI was the Department of Timidity and Inaction. Under my leadership, no more. My mission at the DTI is to use all the tools at our disposal to strengthen industry, enhance business performance and to create an environment in which enterprise flourishes.
Britain can do better, much better.
As a nation we have a world class science base. We have talent and creativity galore. What we lack are the entrepreneurs to turn those natural strengths into products and services that customers want. We must overcome these weaknesses. For unless we do, Britain will never succeed in exploiting the potential of the knowledge based economy of the future.
In that knowledge based economy, scientific discovery and technical progress will reach more directly, and much more swiftly, into every aspect of our daily lives.
The key to competitive success will lie in the exploitation of knowledge for commercially profitable ends, as much in manufacturing as in services. In the knowledge-based economy, the increasing reality of liberalised markets and open trade will destroy the traditional sources of competitive advantage.
Once that stemmed solely from the skills and techniques of production. Now it depends much more on the creativity that surrounds it: the know how that dreams up new ideas; the innovation that brings forward new products; the marketing that builds new brands.
In this new world, Britain has a simple choice. To move with the times or be swept away by them. My clear view is that we must make change our friend, not our enemy. That is how in simple terms I define the mission of my department.
It is a task in which I want your full support: because together we can put the future on Britain's side.
But I know many of you in the hall will have a bigger question at the back of your minds. Where do you think, Peter, the trade unions fit into your bright, knowledge-based vision of the future?
Let me be clear where I stand.
I believe in trade unions.
Not just for reasons of sentiment - though when your first job opportunity was working for the unions, that sentiment is real enough.
Not just either because I will always remember how the trade unions helped Neil Kinnock save the Labour Party in the 1980s, just as in my grandfather's time, the trade unions saw the party through the upheavals of the 1930s.
No, it's much more than sentiment. For millions of people trade unions are both relevant and necessary in today's world. The relationship between employer and employee is by its nature a fundamentally unequal one - one that the unscrupulous employer can exploit.
We all know that individuals at work still need the protection of trade unions against the arbitrary abuse of management power. We all know that a good relationship between trade union representatives and an employer can help to promote flexibility and productivity at work.
Yes, I believe in trade unions. And it's precisely because of that belief, that you will always get from me - honesty, straight talking and candour. No grandstanding, no playing to the gallery - no more spin, honest.
Let me set out to you my vision of the role in society the unions should play.
A new economic future is beckoning. For industry, it means adaptability, willingness to change, flexibility of working and a constant drive to modernise. If the trade unions want to be part of that future, then it means the same thing for you.
In the 1980s the debate raged about whether the trade unions were too strong or too weak. For some, that is still the dividing line. But it is not a choice I accept, or the Government accepts. For us the choice is between modern trade unions and unions frozen in time. Between effective trade unions and ineffective ones.
I want to see modern unions working with successful companies in shaping Britain's future. I recognise the trade unions have already made huge efforts to modernise.
Modernisation through the New Unionism project and the Organising Academy which is bringing a modern, business-like approach to the unglamorous but vital role of recruiting new members.
I recognise that in many companies, industrial relations have been transformed, from the old-style battlefield of ?them and us? to the new-style of co-operation in achieving shared success.
Good managers and good trade unionists have been responsible for that transformation. They need each other. But that modernisation and transformation must go further still. Indeed if my analysis is right, it is never ending.
I realise this is not an entirely welcome message in a hall where in the past two decades so much painful change has had to be swallowed by so many. I know that to some of you I am seen as a non-stop moderniser, hell bent on change at any cost.
Well I make no apology. I passionately believe modernisation is essential - in the trade unions' own interest.
I saw some staggering statistics the other day.
Only 6% of young employees are members of trade unions: only 18% of employees under the age of 30. The density of trade union membership is lowest in the fastest growing sectors of the economy. Of course I accept that there are rogue employers who actively discourage trade union membership. But for too many people trade unions appear only marginally relevant.
Many companies have built honest and credible partnerships with their employees with no involvement by trade unions at all. And if employers and employees are content with that, it is not the job of government to order them otherwise.
As trade unions you can make the difference yourselves. To meet fully the challenge of modernisation, I suggest you need to focus on three key areas. Delivering quality services to your members. Helping achieve employers' success. And being seen as responsible by the general public.
First, delivery on behalf of your members. You're absolutely right to have put the emphasis back on what your members really care about - protection against arbitrary behaviour or discrimination; fair levels of pay; safe working conditions; a pension to look forward to and the other essentials of decent conditions of employment.
If together the trade unions and the Labour Party learnt one lesson from the 1970s and the 1980s, it was the imperative to respond to the needs of individual members, not a vocal minority.
Trade unions can't rely - and shouldn't - on governments to deliver them a bigger membership. Unions have to win their position by demonstrating their value to members and potential members.
But the Government does have some role in helping unions to represent their members in the most effective and constructive way in the workplace. For example, in the Fairness at Work White paper we said we intended to set up a Partnership fund to promote best practice in employee relations and involvement.
I can today confirm that we will establish such a fund. Money will be made available for a series of projects to give employers and employee representatives a much better understanding of the challenges each face and what can be achieved by working together as companies like Tesco, Boots, Unisys, Blue Circle and European Gas Turbine are doing.
Working in partnership with employers, brings me on to my second point, the need to focus on employer success. No union benefits by harming the companies its members work for. In the private sector that means actively working for and welcoming profits. In the public sector it means delivering ever better services of higher quality.
And, by the way, contrary to press reports, no decisions have been taken to privatise the Post Office.
Success in the public or private sector, means awareness of labour costs. No one now deceives themselves that we can compete on costs regardless of quality. So no one should deceive themselves that we can compete on quality regardless of cost.
And it means sharing in the company's success but also showing moderation in wage demands and flexibility in pay levels in times of economic difficulty. And I say this every bit as much to company boards and directors as to trade unionists. By all means enjoy the rewards of success in the good times. But make sure these rewards are merited and make sure you are willing to share pain in the bad times, too.
The third test is being seen to be responsible to the public.
Unions have an important role that extends beyond the workplace. They can be a force for good in society. In setting workplace minimum standards; in ensuring adequate health and safety; in promoting training and skills; and in pressing for proper provision of pensions and other benefits.
Any responsible government should always listen to what the trade unions have to say in these areas. For they are unique in their ability to bring to the consideration of public policy the voice of direct workplace experience.
The Government wants to work with you in all these areas. We did on the national minimum wage. We have done so through the skills taskforce. We are doing so on the Competitiveness White Paper. We shall do so in the development of the stake holder pension.
But the extent to which the unions have a voice that carries influence and respect will depend on the credibility and persuasiveness that unions themselves command. That means co-operating in the modernisation of public services. It means working with us in forging other reforms, in the welfare system, in the schools and higher education, in de-centralising government.
Above all, it means not attempting to veto change, but embracing it and helping to manage it in the interests of all. Tony Blair's Government will never be a soft touch.
We will do our duty whatever. We will never again contract out the governance of Britain to anyone, not to the TUC or its member unions, anymore than we would to big corporate interests.
And as far as my Department is concerned, there is not a front door for some and a backdoor for others. There is one door for all - and it is always open. Congress, the choice is yours - opposition or legitimate influence.
I know my preference: it is for trade unions that draw increased strength from being modern, democratic, representative and influential. That day in, day out prove their relevance to their members. That match realism with responsibility in their dealings with employers and government.
I believe that in working together in this way, we will not only generate respect for each other but that the unions will succeed in reinvigorating the public esteem you merit. Take it from me. I know a little about public relations and improving images.
So much so that one of these days I might even be able to do something about my own. But I?m told, it?ll probably take me more than 48 hours a week to do so.
Image depends on substance. Public relations won't succeed unless there is something real behind it. Trade unions have the basis of such genuine appeal.
A belief in social justice, an understanding of the real world, an ability to get to grips with practical workplace issues, a commitment to democratic methods and a willingness to co-operate. That is not just a platform, it is a springboard.
And in leaping ahead to the new unionism demanded by economic change and by your own members, I can assure you, you will have my backing and that of the department I head.
I have battled for years for an electable Labour Party. I am now battling for a successful country, strong in services and manufacturing, generous at home and abroad, with acclaimed public services and a dynamic private sector.
Congress: join me, please, in the battle for success.

Top of page

Other speeches by Rt. Hon. Peter Mandelson - Former Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (Jul 1998 - Dec 1998)

Back to index