Contraceptive sheaths: A report on the supply in the
UK of contraceptive sheaths
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Summary
On 1 March 1993 the Director General of Fair Trading (DGFT) asked us
to investigate the supply in the UK of contraceptive sheaths, also known
as condoms (see Appendix 1.1).
The UK condom market is dominated by LRC Products Ltd (LRC) with a share
of around three-quarters. There have been two previous MMC inquiries into
condoms. Following the first in 1974 LRC was subject to a form of profit
control. This was replaced by direct control of LRC's prices after the
second report in 1982.
There are three distinct trade channels: supply to retailers and wholesalers
for over-the-counter (OTC) sale in shops, which represents 60 per cent
of the total; supply to the National Health Service (NHS) for free distribution
(23 per cent); and supply via vending machines (16 per cent). While there
are interactions between all three, we found that the NHS was a separate
market, where supply prices are much lower than, and move independently
of, those in the two commercial sectors.
The markets have changed since 1982, primarily as a result of concern
about AIDS and the consequent recognition of the condom's unique ability
to protect people against sexually-transmitted diseases (STDs), at the
same time as preventing unwanted pregnancies. Advertising restrictions
on suppliers were eased and the Government mounted extensive advertising
campaigns of its own to promote condom use. There was a sharp increase
in demand for condoms in 1987/88, and although growth then slowed it appears
to have picked up again in the last two years. Mates condoms were launched
in 1987 and quickly achieved nearly [*] per
cent of total sales, although their share has since fallen back. Condoms
have been stocked by an increasingly wide range of outlets, including
supermarkets. In May 1993 Superdrug Stores PLC (Superdrug) initiated the
first condom price war by cutting a third off the price of all its condom
lines.
LRC told us that if the control were lifted it would seek to raise its
trade prices in the commercial market to average European levels over
a period of about five years. Whilst LRC's entrenched position and the
strength of its Durex brand are significant barriers to the entry and
growth of competitors, we believe that the changes in the market have
made it much more likely that other suppliers would be prepared to challenge
LRC if price control were removed and LRC tried to raise prices. Some,
drawing on lower cost imports, have already established a presence, particularly
in vending.
Since condom retailing is becoming a more competitive business, increases
in trade prices would not necessarily be fully reflected in retail prices.
Retailers would be receptive to new suppliers who could present a credible
alternative to LRC. Competitors would be likely to come in with prices
below those of Durex so that the general level of trade prices would not
increase at the same rate as LRC's. LRC itself would no longer be able
to justify price increases to its customers with the argument that the
increases accorded with the price control system.
NHS buyers show a growing tendency to bargain keenly, to coordinate their
efforts and to promote products offering the best value for money. The
NHS is much more concerned with specification and price than with brand
image and can look for quality suppliers on a worldwide basis. There is
sufficient competition to protect its position if price control were removed.
Moreover the expected introduction of a European Standard in 1994 should
significantly increase the number of suppliers which can give the assurance
of quality required by both NHS and OTC customers.
Throughout this inquiry we have paid close attention to its implications
for the fight against AIDS. We believe that increased competition would
generate much more commercial advertising and other promotional activity.
The resulting stimulus to usage particularly among the young would, we
consider, outweigh any contrary effect resulting from higher prices, with
important benefits for public health and welfare. We believe the balance
of argument now clearly favours the removal of price control.
We have examined a number of LRC's individual trading practices. We
conclude that one of these, entering into exclusive agreements with customers
whereby they agree to stock only LRC condoms, operates against the public
interest. We recommend that LRC be required to desist from this practice.
Full text
Contents
|
| Chapter
1 |
Summary |
| Chapter
2 |
Background to the inquiry |
| Chapter
3 |
The market |
| Chapter
4 |
The major suppliers and their financial performance |
| Chapter
5 |
Views of other suppliers and of wholesalers and retailers |
| Chapter
6 |
Views of third parties |
| Chapter
7 |
Views of LRC |
| Chapter
8 |
Conclusions |
| |
List of signatories |
| Glossary |
|
Appendices
|
|
| (The numbering of the appendices indicates
the chapters to which they relate) |
| 1.1 |
The reference and conduct of the inquiry |
| 2.1 |
LRC's undertakings following the second MMC inquiry |
| 3.1 |
LRC's products |
| 3.2 |
Comparative EC data on advertising expenditure and condom
market volumes, submitted to the MMC by LRC |
| 3.3 |
Measure of variation in the retail prices of condoms,
April 1993 |
| 4.1 |
LRC: principal subsidiaries |
| 4.2 |
LRC: profit and loss accounts |
| 4.3 |
LRC: statutory balance sheets |
| 4.4 |
LRC: analysis of capital employed by reference and other
products |
| 4.5 |
LRC: basis of allocation of capital employed and costs |
| 4.6 |
LRC: estimated cost of bringing the Chingford plant up
to modern manufacturing standards |
| 4.7 |
Healthcare companies whose average ROCEs are compared
with LRC's in table 4.11 |
| Index |
|
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