[Delivered by Eric Joyce MP on behalf of Mike O'Brien MP]
Chairman, your excellencies, my lords, ladies and gentlemen, I am
delighted to have been invited by SITPRO, the CBI and the International
Chamber of Commerce to speak at this distinguished event. I know that
Mike O'Brien - who was of course at the Cancun meeting - is sorry not to
be able to be here today owing to a long-standing engagement abroad: he
has asked me to pass on his very best wishes for a most successful
Conference.
Whilst the Doha Development Round was launched in 2001 with such high
hopes, and the outcome of the Cancun Ministerial was indeed
disappointing, it is timely to reflect on the achievements that have
been made on the liberalisation of international trade behind those
dramatic scenes.
I am very aware of business concerns related to the lack of an
outcome at Cancun. The Government is committed to a multilateral
rules-based trading system administered through the WTO and I know
business also supports this.
SITPRO, in concert with key organisations like the CBI and ICC, has
played a key role in taking much of the hassle out of international
trade transactions. SITPRO has, for over thirty years, taken a lead in
promoting the cause of trade facilitation. It adds value by helping the
business organisations like the CBI, the ICC, government departments and
others to improve the management of cross-border transactions.
SITPRO's activities in championing and developing a standard approach
to international trade documentation, especially electronic
documentation are, deservedly, well recognised. The savings for traders
and administrations that this can achieve, both in time and money, are
substantial. For example the use of aligned trade documents saved 50% of
the administrative costs for international transactions and the use of
electronic documents has shown a further 25% saving. This is
"Britain at its Best" and is now being rolled out to
developing countries for them to use freely through the United Nations
electronic Documents programme. I applaud this as being a very practical
application of the Government's determination to make trade policy work
for the developing world as well as the developed world.
Collectively, the CBI and ICC, together with SITPRO, are very
proactive in informing international traders of key changes in the way
that trade should be conducted and in identifying solutions to problems
that get in the way of their activities. At this time when security
issues related to the movement of goods are of prime concern to
government and business alike it is essential that business is vigilant
in maintaining secure supply chains and gives timely and practical
guidance to Governments as to how this is best achieved.
We welcome these initiatives and we remain committed to supporting
SITPRO, so it can continue to carry out and develop its invaluable work
in helping British business maximise potential from the international
trading process.
You will have read many reports and heard views about the
unexpectedly early closure of the WTO Ministerial talks in Cancun. Like
other governments, we have been reflecting on what happened and why.
To us, Cancun represented an opportunity to restore much needed
political momentum to the Doha Round of WTO negotiations launched in
November 2001. Whilst there was a great deal of ambition at Doha, since
then there have been too many setbacks, too many deadlines missed.
Although the Cancun talks were half-way through the Doha Round, we
were hoping for real progress on other trade issues of relevance and
importance to developing countries - for example, agriculture and
special and differential treatment. We also wanted to see progress on
trade facilitation: a very important priority for the UK, given that we
export 25% of our GDP and have the highest ratio of inward and outward
investment to GDP of any leading economy. It is also even more important
for developing countries who in terms of proportionate benefit stand to
gain the most.
And it's very important for SITPRO, who initiated substantial and
commendable effort into developing the international business case. The
Roundtable talks that SITPRO, in conjunction with the Commonwealth
Business Council, organised in Johannesburg and Singapore during the
run-up to Cancun built on the trade facilitation debate, identified
constructive ways forward and brought some doubters on board.
Trade facilitation as a policy has consistently been the least
contentious of the so-called New Issues - although some countries still
question, for a variety of reasons, why they should be subject to WTO
rules. But the concept of trade facilitation is easy to understand and
the evidence compelling; it is about stripping out the unnecessary
bureaucracy from the trading process with significant benefits for all
economic constituencies - businesses, consumers, citizens, taxpayers and
customs administrations. And importantly for this round of trade talks,
it is a policy that fits fully with our strong ambition to make this a
genuine development Round.
There is a lot of evidence from a variety of sources- both from the
developing and developed world which testifies to this and which informs
our views. Just the figures are striking. To take one: a recent World
Bank's Global Economic Prospects Report estimated that inefficient,
complex, non-transparent border procedures cost traders $380 billion per
year. That is more than the combined GDP of the 10 countries joining the
EU next year - and it is more than the entire GDP of sub-Saharan Africa.
These inefficiencies raise the costs for all traders in the developed
and developing world but add no value to the process and benefit only
the jobsworths and dishonest traders. And it encourages corruption.
So it is very important that international transactions are managed
within a broad framework of rules, so that all countries and businesses
are operating to the same standards.
Following the September 11th attacks there has been a need to address
freight security. Clear and robust rules for trade facilitation will
give assurance of the adequacy and proportionality of security controls;
and will enable a forum for guarding against a patchwork of perhaps
conflicting national measures being imposed by individual countries. If
new autonomous security measures do not take into account the traders
perspective, there is a danger that they will be arbitrary,
disproportionate to the risk and place onerous burdens upon traders -
again those most at risk are poorer countries unable to pull enough
muscle and small traders.
But back to Cancun, where we all left with no overall agreement. What
next?
First, we must recognise that some progress was made at Cancun in
discussions on issues such as agriculture. There was also the welcome
formation and strengthening of developing country groupings. The
formation of the G21 emerging economies was particularly significant.
Whilst this may make negotiations more complicated - it is good that the
voices of developing countries are heard effectively.
Secondly, it is unlikely that without the catalyst of Cancun, the
welcome agreement at the end of August on access to medicines for
developing countries would now be in place.
Third, we must reject the apocalyptic view that the Cancun talks
signalled the end of multilateralism or the WTO. It is inevitable that
more emphasis will be put on regional and bilateral trade agreements.
Although these could help promote trade, they risk excluding many poorer
countries and leaving others isolated in negotiations with far larger
countries. We continue to believe that the multilateral system should be
the cornerstone of world trade rules and that we need to work through
the WTO.
Finally but most importantly, all WTO members must work together to
get the Doha Round back on track. The Cancun Conference agreed a new
deadline of 15 December to try to resolve the issues that could not be
sorted out at Cancun. All WTO members must now commit themselves to
driving forward this agenda with a renewed sense of urgency. The
Government is glad that there are signs that this is happening and we
shall do all we can to secure the best possible result.
For we must continue to build support for the multilateral approach
so that all countries benefit. That is why the UK Government and other
Member States are encouraging the Commission to take a lead for the EU
in restoring momentum to the process so that we can deliver a
development round in line with the promises we made at Doha. Encouraging
our partners to demonstrate the courage and vision to act flexibly for
the common good and to secure an agreement to deliver for the poor, to
master the challenge of globalisation, and expand the opportunities for
international trade
The plain fact is that free and fair international trade is good for
business, consumers and national economies. It is not an end in itself
and it cannot be the total answer. But it is an essential tool in
generating wealth which in turn pays for education, health, transport
infrastructure, clean water, power and other public services. But
Governments can only do so much in spreading the messages. Evidence of
benefits to industry and the consumer need to come from yourselves. I
therefore call on you to continue working with us, adding your voice to
ours in painting and presenting the big picture and enabling us to
deliver a development round in line with the promises that we made at
Doha. Companies working with their subsidiaries, opposite numbers and
customers in other countries must assert and argue as loudly as possible
the business case and wider evidence-base, and lobby host governments to
engage in achieving the speedy reinstatement and conclusion of the DDA.
All stand to gain, but the poorest stand to gain the most. That is why
we support the DDA and will continue to work for its success. This
requires realism, vision, engagement and commitment.
Thank you.
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